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UNIVERSITY OF
PARIS III—SORBONNE NOUVELLE
GRADUATE SECTION
268: LANGAGES ET LANGUES
INSTITUTE OF
GENERAL AND APPLIED LINGUISTICS AND PHONETICS
Summary
of Thesis
Defended publicly Tuesday 7 December 2004 In fulfilment of the requirements for the
Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN LINGUISTICS UNIVERSITY OF PARIS III by Paula PRESCOD A
Grammatical Description of the Noun Phrase in the English-Lexified Creole of St. Vincent and the Grenadines xi, 324 p, 32 p annex Thesis Advisor: Daniel
Véronique Professor Claude DELMAS – University of Paris III, Sorbonne Nouvelle, president Professor Emeritus Mervyn ALLEYNE – University of the West Indies, St Augustin, examiner Professeur Salikoko MUFWENE - University of Chicago, examiner Laurence GOURY PhD– Research Officer, IRD, invited member Professor Daniel VERONIQUE –University of Paris III, Sorbonne Nouvelle Choice of topic: This thesis sets out to
provide a grammatical
description of the English-lexicon creole of St. Vincent and the Grenadines
(VinC). As a teacher of French foreign language in a secondary school which
enrolled 12+year old students with the best passes in the Common Entrance
Examination, it became apparent that the status of English as the official
language was purely symbolic since the de facto the mother tongue of many
Vincentians is the creole. As a result, the creole created interferences not
only in the use of standard English but also in learning French. The choice of
topic for this study is a corollary of my teaching experience.
Theoretical framework: In this study, I opt for a
functional and structuralist perspective. First of all, I describe the
grammatical and morphological properties of elements of the noun phrase then
classify them according to their functional roles. I then analyse the relations
between noun phrase components and the way in which expansions i.e.
determiners and modifiers, are organised around the noun and its
substitutes. I adopt Martinet’s (1985: 83)[1] definition of the
syntagm: l’ensemble d’unités significatives plus étroitement reliées
entre elles qu’avec le reste de l’énoncé, plus, éventuellement, l’élément qui le
relie à cet énoncé. To this, I associate Leech & Svartvik’s
(1978: 251)[2] assumption that the noun
phrase (NP) is so called because the word which is head,(its main part) is typically a
noun. The noun can act as subject, object, or complement of a clause or as
prepositional complement. This study also takes into consideration the role
played by pronominal components which are referred to here as noun substitutes
since they act like nouns in different syntactic positions.
Procedure: In the light of the fact that VinC is
grammatically unaccounted for, it was necessary to select and critically examine
the literature which has been a reference for VinC in the Vincentian community
over the decades. These writings in VinC include the folkloric literature of
Esther Edwards[3] and The New Artists
Movement.[4] Oral recordings, via
radio programmes and face-to-face contact, which present noteworthy features of
VinC, were added to the corpus. These recordings made it possible to observe the
whole array of registers used by speakers of VinC. Interestingly, the radio
programmes offered authentic examples of natural VinC expression. Since the
introduction of interactive radio in St. Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG), the
moderators have been able to put callers at their ease, encouraging the
participants to express themselves in the language they feel comfortable
speaking. This relative freedom of expression has encouraged the use of diverse
registers in VinC and callers are in no way coerced to use standard English, a
language they do not necessarily “master”. This explains why the referenced
utterances in this study exemplify a mixture of all the registers of English and
VinC. The examples
thus collected were then transcribed. This is where a lack of uniformity in the
transcriptions became evident, due no doubt to the influence exerted on VinC by
English orthography. After comparing the transcriptions with work published in
Vincentian parlance, it became clear that the issue of phonological
representation needed to be resolved. Objectively speaking, VinC writers tend to
use a multitude of orthographies for the same sound. This lack of uniformity can
also be attributed to the inexistence of a system of homogenised orthography,
thus the importance of proposing a uniform writing system made possible from
acoustic measurements and analyses done using the automatic speech analyser
PRAAT.[5] This functional
orthography was applied to all unpublished transcriptions used in the corpus.
Examples from published sources were cited unchanged. Theoretical
problems: A major
problem faced was the question of how to process the orthography, in the light
of the linguistic diversity of the Vincentian community. None of the utterances
retained in the corpus were solicited. The majority of utterances were obtained
in authentic face-to-face exchanges on a variety of topics, or upon request to
relate a story or an experience. A number of utterances were also recorded
during interactive radio and television programmes. My knowledge of VinC,
enabled me to formulate a small number of utterances to complete the corpus. As
the majority of speakers display an ability to express themselves in a variety
of registers, the choice of utterances was another major concern. Was it enough
to simply give a description of basilectal VinC, or was it legitimate to retain
acrolectal utterances, which unequivocally indicate that speakers of VinC do not
resist the structural and lexical influences of the official language and that
VinC can be analysed in terms of a variation of “lects”? A second concern
related to the theoretical framework adopted for this study. Attempting at all
costs to mold the grammar of VinC into a hard and fast theoretical framework
would no doubt have provided a rigid analysis. From the moment a theoretical
framework in which one sets out to make a grammatical description is adopted,
one runs the risk of confining oneself within the limits of the framework. In
addition to using the functionalist and structuralist models as a starting point
for the grammatical and morphological descriptions of the components of the NP,
this study also takes advantage of the generative approach to language analysis.
For instance, in an attempt to provide an in-depth study of NPs modified by
relative clauses, terms such as movement, syntactic gap and
extraposition were applied insofar as they provided a coherent
description. Lastly, this
descriptive work represented a major challenge. The linguistic literature, which
referred to the dialectal varieties spoken in SVG, tends to do so in a rather
anecdotal fashion. The absence of descriptive literature on VinC meant therefore
that everything was yet to be accomplished as far as grammar is concerned.
Succumbing to the temptation of basing a pilot grammar of VinC on the grammar of
largely documented English-lexicon creoles, namely those of Jamaica, Guyana,
Trinidad would imply that all English-creole speakers of the Caribbean spoke the
same dialectal variety, without in the least seeking to lay down rules of usage
and pointing out idiosyncrasies which exist. During this study, it turned out
that VinC was a linguistic territory to discover and this ensured a certain
measure of freedom with respect to the terms of analysis to be applied, the
results to be anticipated and the conclusions to be drawn. Indubitably,
providing a linguistic description of the speech of Vincentians means accepting
the responsibility of making this description conform to usage insofar as it is
based on empirical data. Summary of
the thesis: The
thesis is divided into seven chapters, the first of which provides
historical and demo-linguistic elements aimed at accounting for the presence of
an English-lexicon creole on SVG. I first take a look back at the seventeenth
century, a flashback which is necessary if we are to understand the
demo-linguistic complexity of the Vincentian community. Even today, historical
and tourism literature still proclaim erroneously, that a French patois is
spoken on SVG. The content of this first chapter serve to clarify this popular
belief by tracing the settlement history of the Arawaks, the Caribs and the
Garifuna, the race resulting from the intermarriage between the Caribs and
Africans who took refuge on SVG before the rise of plantation slavery. This
mixed population, which held the Europeans at bay, refusing assimilation and
domination for many decades, were able to thwart the introduction plantation
slavery until the end of the eighteenth century. In this first
chapter, I show that the creolisation models proposed by Bickerton (1981)[6] and Chaudenson (1992)[7] only partially explain
the presence of a creole in SVG. The use of a language which shares but few
morphosyntactic and phonological features with modern English, is, as I see it,
the result of a conscious effort made by the Africans and their descendants to
remain linguistically set apart from the European. In spite of the lack of
authentic testimonies from the inhabitants during the era of European occupation
which will no doubt help to formulate solid facts and not mere extrapolations
about the structural characteristics of the language of the non Europeans at the
time when linguistic contact took root, I do not resolve to view the genesis of
a creole as the servile population’s inability to learn the superstrate, nor as
the imperfect appropriation of a second language. With regard to modern day
Vincentian speech psycholinguistic and social considerations must be
examined. From a
psycholinguistic point of view, the initial “differences” of the creole
vis-à-vis its lexifier can be explained by the fact that any individual
who finds him/herself in a situation of unguided language learning, employs a
number of processes to acquire this language. Among these processes, we can
mention borrowing, transfer and calquing, which, in psycholinguistic terms,
offers the individual who finds him/herself in a situation of language contact,
an immediate reward in filling the gaps in his/her knowledge of the target
language. These gaps, if one admits that the term is cogent given the
socio-historical context of colonisation, are the sign that learning is in
progress, learning which readjusts itself by trial and error, ellipse of
semantic redundancies or by meaning transfer: a situation where semantics takes
precedence over syntax. From the social
perspective, it is important to stress that the société d’habitation, a
key concept in Chaudenson’s[8] theory, did not last much
more than seventy (70) years in SVG. Despite the cession of the territory to the
British Crown in 1763, no official British occupation was set up prior to 1783,
the year in which lands disputed between the British and the French were
restored to the British. Massive arrivals of Africans date back to that period.
Surprisingly, this situation did not encourage the complete assimilation of the
African population remaining on the territory after the deportation of the
Garifunas to Roatan, off the coast of Honduras, Central America. The
emancipation of slavery was proclaimed in 1834. At this point, one of two things
happened. On the one hand, non Europeans' lack of motivation to identify
themselves linguistically with the Europeans was a refusal of European
acculturation and a willingness to set themselves apart: indeed quite
representative of New World image. On the other hand, the desire to obscure
their way of speaking may have been a conscious effort made by the Africans
during their secret meetings: a deliberate choice to create a language which the
slave masters could not easily fathom and which could be termed as distinctly
their own. These elements point to the fact that the desire to learn the
European language, which may have been ubiquitous during the initial stages of
colonization, changed as non-Europeans strengthened their new linguistic
identity during the post-abolition era. The second chapter provides an analysis
of the sounds of VinC. This phonological description was essential for several
reasons. Most importantly, although some comparative work has in the past
referred to certain phonological characteristics of VinC, albeit from a
diachronic perspective (c.f. Alleyne (1980)[9] and Le Page (1972))[10], this creole has not
been subjected to a full analysis which could account for the phonological value
of the sounds used. The goal of this second chapter is threefold. It first
offers an articulatory and acoustic description of the sounds used by speakers
of VinC, before outlining the accentual patterns shaped by the morphology of the
noun. However, the focal point of this chapter is the orthography proposed,
based on the results obtained. This alphabet offers an empirical writing system
which could be accessed by anyone who needs to use VinC in its written form.
What comes out
of this phonological analysis is that the sound system of VinC comprises more
high vowels than it does low vowels, high vowels being longer during
articulation. Consequently, there is a widespread use of long vowels /ii/, /aa/,
/uu/, so that vowel length is a distinctive feature in VinC. Vowel tenseness
also plays a role in the double phoneme feature as vowels which tend to close
progressively during articulation, also tend to be articulated as rising
diphthongs. This feature is in sharp contrast to Jamaican creole, which has
falling diphthongs. There are no centralizing diphthongs in VinC since the schwa
/«/ does not have phonemic status.
The alphabet
proposed reveals six (6) pure vowels and four (4) long vowels. Three (3)
compound vowels or diphthongs complete the list of vowels. There are two (2)
nasal sounds whose distribution is highly restricted: [e)] appears only as the echo question
(isn’t that so?); [a)] appears only in the sequence
/aan/. In general terms, nasalization is observed only on long vowel sounds and
is therefore not a distinctive feature in morphemes that are in the same
paradigm. These thirteen (13) vowel sounds combine with two (2) glides and
twenty (20) consonants to complete a table of sounds with distinctive phonemic
values in VinC. The three
chapters which follow (3,4,5) make up the description per se of
the VinC NP. Chapter 3 bears out that the central element of the NP is
the noun. This stance is taken on the theoretical grounds that predeterminers or
qualifiers (definite and indefinite articles, quantifiers and adjectives) and
post-determiners and postposed modifiers (deixis, relative clauses and
possessive phrases) are not requisite for the syntactic composition of the NP.
They are in actual fact expansions, which operate primarily to provide
grammatical or semantic information about the noun or its substitute. This
amounts to postulating that the noun which has no overt determiner gives
sufficient information about itself, thus enabling us to identify its reference.
The referential perspective is developed in Chapter 6. The third
chapter proposes a grammatical and semantic analysis of the NP geared towards
establishing the morphosyntactic differences between the simple, complex and
compound nouns. This distinction allows us to analyse the semantic relations
between the components of compound nouns. In this chapter, the grammatical
characteristics of nouns are also examined. The underlying nominal is unmarked
for gender. Conversely, inherent semantic features marking gender become
apparent when nouns combine with other morphemes to form compound nouns. The
processes identified in the formation of compound nouns are juxtaposition and
suffixation. This chapter also proposes a development on the prosody of the NP,
which serves to highlight the effect of suffixation on the accentual patterns of
nouns. Pronominal morphemes (personal, possessive,
demonstrative, reflexive, interrogative, relative and indefinite) also function
as NPs. They can replace nouns in all syntactic positions. The term pro-form was
preferred to the traditional one of pronouns in this study since it is generally
agreed upon that the term pronoun is tantamount to noun substitute. This study
shows that pronominal morphemes can replace not only substantives but also
clauses. The term pro-form appeared therefore to be more appropriate, given the
syntactic autonomy of the pronominal paradigm in VinC. Chapter 4
is concerned with NPs which exemplify the qualifier+qualified and
determiner+determined syntactic patterns. In practical terms, preposed qualifier
expansions are of the adjective+noun type. In the case of the components of
compound nouns, also analysed as qualifiers, the previous chapter had already
established that the lexical relations highlight the same syntactic distribution
i.e. qualifier+qualified. The grammatical elements which act as
predeterminers of nouns in a determiner+determined type syntactic relation are
the definite article, the indefinite articles and demonstratives.
With regards to noun morphology, the
distinction between singular and plural is ineffectual in the majority of
contexts. In general terms, nouns are unmarked for number. However, a nominal
lexeme which bears /s/ or /z/ (plural marker in the lexifier) does not
necessarily require a plural reading. For instance, in VinC /ants/ may
refer to one or more ‘ants’. There is no morphological defect if this kind of
noun is preposed by the singulative article wan since wan ants is
attested in basilectal VinC, unlike wan ant. A significant
number of lexemes do not have lexical entries without final /s/. This mainly
concerns nouns referring to entities which are not directly countable albeit
intrinsically massive or non-singulative. It is essential to stress that these
items cannot combine with the singulative determiner wan. Interestingly,
nominal items which are not directly countable can be preposed by wan,
thus the need to analyse this morpheme as having a double morphosyntactic role:
as an indefinite article and as a cardinal numeral. In addition, a third role,
this time semantic, can be attributed to wan. Indeed, abstract items can
be preposed by wan, in which case it operates as an intensifier.
Som marks a semantic plural, not a grammatical plural since the noun it
qualifies is not overtly plural. The concept of number marking is thus an
unpredictable one given the morphosyntactic arguments developed in this thesis.
This study pays close attention to possessives
and quantifiers. A quantifier may appear juxtaposed to the entity it quantifies
or it may be connected by the partitive morpheme a. It has been shown
that quantifiers are not in the same paradigm as the definite article since the
latter can precede the former. On the other hand, there are a number of
constraints which influence the use of quantifiers with possessive and
demonstrative pro-forms. These pro-forms cannot act as preposed qualifiers to
indefinite determiners or generalised quantifiers whereas they can act as
preposed qualifiers to numerals, fractions and the morpheme hu motch. In
the majority of possessive syntagms, the syntactic ordering is of the
possessor+possessum type. Only possessives combining fo+pN or
fo+cN[11] exhibit reversed
syntactic ordering to display the possessum+possessor type. The
possessum can be preposed or postposed by fo+possessive
pro-form. Chapter 5
sets out to examine the way relative clauses operate in VinC and the
relativisation strategies used. Basing the analysis on Keenan & Comrie’s
(1977,[12] 1987[13]) Accessibility
Hierarchy, I identify seven (7) processes of relativisation which are not in
themselves independent since VinC, like many languages, tends to associate
various strategies, so that embedding one clause into another (the matrix
clause) often operates with the deletion of the relativised NP, which in turn,
may be reappear in the utterance as a relative pro-form. In some cases a
pronominal trace may signal the underlying position of the deleted relativised
NP (cf. pronominal copying). Other relativisation processes include
clause final preposition stranding, left movement of the possessive relative
pro-form which drags the relativised NP along with it (cf. pied-piping)
and finally, noun complementation introduced by fo.
The syntactic concept of noun complementation is particularly interesting in the analysis of postposed qualifiers. It enables to provide a unified description of all syntagms that are positioned after the noun. Consequently, modality clauses, prepositional clauses and noun complements can be accounted for using the same terms of analysis as for reduced relative clauses. More formally, it is shown that between the NP and its complement, there is an elided position, which can be potentially filled by the relative pro-form. In these terms, a semantic parallel is drawn between postposed qualifiers and the relative clauses as well as a syntactic or functional mapping with reduced relative clauses. Chapter 6 posits that semantic concepts like referentiality, genericity, specificity and definiteness can be related to the grammatical category of determiners. Contrary to the hypothesis put forward by Bickerton (1981)[14] which surmises that determinerless NPs are exclusively non-specific, this critical analysis reveals that determinerless NPs can have a variety of readings ranging from generic to non generic, from unique specific reference to non unique specific reference in as much the same way as nouns which are preceded by definite determiners. VinC therefore has no separate morphosyntactic marker which coincides with the semantic distinction between generic and specific. The overt use of the determiner makes it possible to situate the NP on a scale of identifiability: NPs which are predetermined by overt definite markers are more easily identifiable than those which bear overt indefinite markers. The question that arises is how to account for bare NPs felicitously. What this analysis shows is that the absence of determiners does not imply absence of identifiability. On the contrary, the examination of situational references reveals that whenever a bare NP appears, the entity to which it refers is easily identifiable. In other words, a null determiner does not correspond to zero specificity but rather a lower degree of definiteness with respect to specified NPs. Preposed and postposed quanlifiers simply serve to narrow the intensional definition of the referent. This allows us to account for the duality of bare NPs which appear either in fossilised expressions or in contexts where the noun forms a collocation with the preposition or verb displaying deictic semantic features. This thesis recommends an analysis in terms of familiarity and the
ability of interlocutors to identify NP reference in order to fully grasp the
concepts of definiteness and specificity, grammatical and semantic terms which
become inoperative in the analysis of determinerless NPs. It is thus posited
that determinerless NPs be characterised as previously thought of, known,
foreseeable or easily localisable entities. Their use emphasises the
consciousness of the speaker with respect to the listener’s degree of
familiarity vis-à-vis the referent, which allows the latter to
successfully identify it. The null determiner+N combination refers to a wide
range of entities: Ø A NP that is previously thought of by the
interlocutor and which appears as a second mention or anaphoric cross
reference; Ø A NP that is not yet thought of by the
interlocutor but about which the speaker will be careful to provide sufficient
information in first mentions with cataphoric force; Ø A unique NP which is easily identifiable since
it is the only representative existing in the cultural or geographic space of
the listener. Ø A generic NP which has several representatives.
The listener will make the necessary selection in order to reconstruct the
meaning of the utterance if need be. This phase of meaning reconstruction is
necessary as it is omitted by the speaker who prefers to rely on the intrinsic
capacity of the linguistic sign to refer; Ø A NP which the speaker hopes the listener will
eclipse in order to focus his/her attention on the clause as a whole and not on
the predicate which is geographically anchored in situ and which forms
one with the verb or the preposition collocated with the noun.
Conclusion and prospects: This thesis presents some obvious
limitations since it focuses almost exclusively on the description of the NP.
Consequently, many aspects remain unaccounted for, namely, the ways in which the
VP may influence the semantics or the syntax of the NP. This aspect will be
examined in subsequent studies. Likewise, this study does not claim to offer a
comparative approach to creolistics. However, interesting parallels are drawn
between VinC and other English-lexicon creoles of the Caribbean, albeit in
simple terms. Since those creoles are well documented, the reader can make
appropriate comparisons, and consequently, draw conclusions about the
similarities or divergences between VinC and these creoles.
In the immediate
future, my intention is to make a translated copy of this grammatical
description available to the partners in education and culture in SVG so that
those who wish to formalise their knowledge of VinC will find, in this thesis,
the tools to do so. More formally, a contrastive approach vis-à-vis
standard English will enable us, as educators, to make the population of SVG
cognizant of the differences between VinC and standard English. Such an approach
could better prepare teachers of English to deal with problems hindering
bilingualism in their learners. This study of NPs is meant to offer a wealth of
didactic prospects. More generally, it could contribute to the field of
comparative creolistics, a useful area in linguistic typology.
[1] MARTINET, André. 1985. Syntaxe
générale. Paris: Armand Colin. 266p. [2] LEECH, Geoffrey & Jan SVARTVIK.
1978. A Communicative Grammar of English. Based on Randolph QUIRK et al.: A
Grammar of Contemporary English (1972). London: Longman, 1st
Published in 1975. 324p. [3] EDWARDS, Esther. 1997. Caribbean Cultural Poems and Parlance in Vincentian Dialect. Vol. 1 : Vincentian Life, New York: Esther’s Cultural Productions. 81p. [4] NAM SPEAKS. New Artist Movement (various
dates) - Literary Magazine. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines: NAM. [5] The
software, PRAAT, developed by Paul Boersma and David Weenick of the Institute of
Phonetic Sciences, University of Amsterdam, analyses, synthesises and
manipulates speech. I used Version 4.047 for Windows, available on the website
www.praat.org. [6]
BICKERTON, Derek. 1981. Roots of Language. Ann Arbor, MICH: Karoma.
351p. [7] CHAUDENSON,
Robert. 1992. Des Iles, des hommes, des langues. Paris: L’Harmattan.
309p. [8]
CHAUDENSON, Robert. 1992.
Des Iles, des hommes, des langues. Paris: L’Harmattan. 309p. [9] ALLEYNE, Mervyn. 1980. Comparative
Afro-American. Ann Arbor: Karoma. 253p. [10] Le PAGE, Robert. 1972. “Sample West Indian Texts.” Department of Linguistics, University of New York. [11] pN refers to proper nouns, cN to common
nouns. [12] KEENAN, Edward & Bernard COMRIE.
1977. “Noun phrase accessibility and universal grammar.” Linguistic Inquiry,
N° 8. pp. 63-99. [13] KEENAN, Edward 1987. (written in collaboration with Bernard COMRIE, 1977). “Noun phrase accessibility and universal grammar.” In KEENAN, Edward (ed). pp. 3-45. |